20/09/2024
Cultural expressions, whether through enduring melodies or innovative modes of transport, often serve as profound windows into a nation's history, social fabric, and political landscape. This exploration delves into two seemingly disparate yet equally compelling phenomena: the enigmatic folk song 'La Cucaracha' and the unique urban transport system of bicitaxis in Mexico City. Both, in their distinct ways, offer rich narratives of resilience, adaptation, and the vibrant spirit of a people.
The Enduring Mystery of 'La Cucaracha'
'La Cucaracha', Spanish for "The Cockroach", is far more than just a catchy tune; it is a popular folk song steeped in history and veiled in layers of meaning. While its origins are widely considered Spanish, it truly soared to prominence in the 1910s, becoming an unofficial anthem of the Mexican Revolution. Adapted using the vibrant Mexican corrido genre, its melody is globally recognised, yet its verses remain fluid, often serving as a satirical commentary on contemporary political or social issues.
Musically, 'La Cucaracha' adheres to a verse-and-refrain (strophe-antistrophe) structure, with each pair comprising four lines typically following an ABCB rhyme scheme. The song's meter has seen evolution; while historically it might have been 5/4, 6/4, or 4/4 clave, almost all modern interpretations favour a 4/4 meter with a distinctive clave rhythm, imparting a feeling of three pulses. Interestingly, the earliest lyrics, from which the song derives its name, describe a cockroach that has lost two of its six legs and struggles to walk with the remaining four, a simple yet evocative image.
The precise origins of 'La Cucaracha' remain obscure, making it challenging to date the refrain which makes no explicit reference to historical events. However, the verses, being highly improvisational and reflective of current societal or political conditions, allow for a rough estimation of their age.
Pre-Revolutionary Echoes
Before its revolutionary fame, 'La Cucaracha' already existed in various forms, with lyrics reflecting earlier historical events. One notable example stems from the Hispano-Moroccan War (1859–1860). Troops during this campaign are believed to have developed verses to boost morale, utilising an existing melody. Francisco Rodríguez Marín, in his 1883 book Cantos Populares Españoles, documented lyrics such as:
De las patillas de un moro
tengo que hacer una escoba,
para barrer el cuartel
de la infantería española.
This translates to: "From the sideburns of a Moor / I must make a broom, / to sweep the quarters / of the Spanish infantry." Such verses vividly reflect the Spanish popular imagery of the time, concerning confrontations with Moroccan troops, often pejoratively referred to as "Moors".
An even earlier written reference to the song appears in the 1819 novel La Quijotita y su Prima by Mexican writer José Joaquín Fernández de Lizardi. Here, it is suggested that a naval captain, arriving on a frigate, brought the tune among various other melodies:
Un capitán de marina
que vino en una fragata
entre varios sonecitos
trajo el de "La Cucaracha".
Beyond these, early stanzas also touched upon events like the Carlist Wars (1833–1876) in Spain and the French intervention in Mexico (1861), underscoring the song's remarkable adaptability across different conflicts and eras.
'La Cucaracha' Through the Mexican Revolution
The period of the Mexican Revolution, spanning from approximately 1910 to 1920, marked the most significant era of verse production for 'La Cucaracha'. Both rebel and government forces eagerly crafted political lyrics, leading to the creation of many stanzas now primarily associated with Mexico. This was a time of immense political upheaval, and the song became a powerful vehicle for expressing sentiments, often with explicit or implicit references to conflict events, key political figures, and the widespread impact on civilians.
Today, few pre-Revolution verses are widely known, with the most commonly quoted sections being the two Villist anti-Huerta stanzas. These verses, popular among the Villist soldiers, contain hidden political meanings, a common characteristic of revolutionary songs:
La cucaracha, la cucaracha,
ya no puede caminar
porque no tiene, porque le falta
marihuana que fumar.Ya murió la cucaracha
ya la llevan a enterrar
entre cuatro zopilotes
y un ratón de sacristán.
The cockroach in these lyrics symbolises President Victoriano Huerta, a figure widely condemned as a notorious drunk, a villain, and a traitor due to his involvement in the death of revolutionary President Francisco Madero. The verse about lacking "marijuana to smoke" further satirised Huerta's perceived weaknesses.
Given the multi-factional nature of the Mexican Revolution, competing versions of 'La Cucaracha' were common. An example of a Huertist, anti-Carranza stanza illustrates this rivalry:
Ya se van los carrancistas,
ya se van haciendo bola,
ya los chacales huertistas
se los trayen de la cola.
This verse depicts the Carrancistas in full retreat, pursued by "Huertistan jackals". The song's versatility allowed it to be a mouthpiece for various perspectives within the conflict.
Zapatist stanzas also emerged, often articulating the general hardships faced by civilians during the war. For instance:
Oigan con gusto estos versos
escuchen con atención,
ya la pobre cucaracha
no consigue ni un tostón.Todo se ha puesto muy caro
con esta Revolución,
venden la leche por onzas
y por gramos el carbón.
These lyrics lament that the "poor cockroach" (representing the common person or the nation) cannot even obtain a tostón (a 50 centavo coin), and highlight how "everything's become very expensive" with the Revolution, with milk sold by the ounce and coal by the gram.
Beyond factional allegiances, many non-aligned political verses were also popular among Mexican civilians. These often expressed general complaints about the war's difficulties and were frequently penned by pro-Zapatistas. Other non-aligned verses referenced various factions in a more neutral, descriptive manner:
El que persevera alcanza
dice un dicho verdadero
yo lo que quiero es venganza
por la muerte de Madero.Todos se pelean la silla
que les deja mucha plata
En el norte vive Villa
en el sur vive Zapata.
Such verses capture the widespread desire for justice for Madero's death and the recognition of key revolutionary leaders like Villa in the north and Zapata in the south, battling for power and wealth.
'La Cucaracha' as a Woman
Intriguingly, 'La Cucaracha' also served as a nickname for women warriors and camp followers in Mexico, known as Soldaderas, Adelitas, and Juanas, a profession that dates back to pre-Columbian times. Elizabeth Salas, in Mexican Military: Myth and History, notes how soldiers in Porfirio Diaz's army sang 'La Cucaracha' about a soldadera who sought money for bullfights. For the Villistas, however, the song's "cucaracha" was often depicted as desiring money for alcohol and marijuana, frequently being so intoxicated or under the influence that she could not walk straight. Unlike corridos about male revolutionaries, few well-known corridos about soldaderas provide their real names or offer biographical details, limiting the number of stanzas that truly capture women's experiences in battle or the camps.
Other Verses and Lasting Legacy
Apart from those explicitly referencing historical events, hundreds of other verses for 'La Cucaracha' exist. Some are newly composed, while others are ancient, but the song's largely oral tradition makes precise dating incredibly difficult. These verses often embody everyday observations or humorous situations. Examples include:
Cuando uno quiere a una
y esta una no lo quiere,
es lo mismo que si un calvo
en la calle encuentra un peine.Mi vecina de enfrente
se llamaba Doña Clara,
y si no se hubiera muerto
aún así se llamaría.
These verses, translating to a bald man finding a comb when a woman doesn't return affection, and a humorous observation about a deceased neighbour, demonstrate the song's capacity for light-hearted, anecdotal content alongside its profound political and historical commentary.
While the term "bike taxi in Spain" might conjure a specific image, the primary context for such an urban transport system, particularly under the names provided, is in fact Mexico City. Here, rickshaws, known by various names such as bicitaxis, ciclotaxis, golfitaxis, mototaxis, or tricitaxis, play a significant role in transporting both citizens and tourists. These vehicles can be either human-powered or engine-powered, offering a versatile solution for urban mobility. Their operations are regulated by the Secretariat of Mobility of the city, or SEMOVI (Secretaría de Movilidad).
A Brief History of Mexico City's Bicitaxis
The evolution of bicitaxis in Mexico City is a fascinating journey marked by innovation, regulation, and adaptation.
The 1990s: Genesis and Early Growth
The concept of bicitaxis was formalised in Mexico City in August 1990 with the creation of a pilot programme featuring 30 units, developed by the National Polytechnic Institute. This initiative quickly gained traction, and by 1998, estimates suggested there were approximately 1,300 units operating across the city. Towards the end of the decade, unregulated rickshaws began to emerge, particularly in the historic centre of Mexico City. Despite attempts to ban these informal operations, they largely persisted, highlighting the demand for such services.
The 2000s: Attempts at Formalisation
The early 2000s saw a concerted effort to bring order to the burgeoning bicitaxi sector. In 2004, the then Secretaría del Transporte (SETRAVI, later renamed SEMOVI) announced its intention to regulate these units, recognising their dependence on local governments. By 2008, SETRAVI estimated that around 500 rickshaws were operating solely in downtown Mexico City. A significant renovation programme was undertaken in 2009, during the governorship of Marcelo Ebrard, to modernise the units operating in the city centre.
The 2010s: Challenges and Decline
The subsequent decade brought new challenges. In 2010, the city government introduced units imported from China. However, these proved problematic due to a critical lack of spare parts, which could only be sourced from China, hindering maintenance and repair efforts. Consequently, the operations of bicitaxis began to decline. By 2018, SEMOVI estimated a drastic reduction, with only about 80 rickshaws remaining operational in the city centre. The authorities also noted the continued presence of clandestine units and a general disorganisation within the legal operations.
The 2020s: Resilience and Modernisation
The COVID-19 pandemic in Mexico unexpectedly provided a boost for bicitaxis in certain boroughs, notably Iztapalapa and Venustiano Carranza, as well as neighbouring municipalities like Ecatepec and Nezahualcóyotl in the State of Mexico. Due to city measures to reduce visitor numbers, such as the 'Hoy No Circula' programme (a local no-drive days strategy), and passengers' preference for not sharing transportation with others, rickshaws experienced a higher passage rate.
Looking to the future, the Mexico City government announced significant actions in 2021 to renovate existing units in the historic centre. This initiative includes a payment of 30,000 pesos to drivers who upgrade their units to meet required standards. Intriguingly, the new design for these units is intended to evoke the classic style of the city's taxis from the 1950s, blending modern functionality with a nostalgic aesthetic.
Frequently Asked Questions
Regarding 'La Cucaracha':
Is 'La Cucaracha' truly about a cockroach?
Initially, the song's earliest lyrics do describe a cockroach that has lost two legs and struggles to walk. However, its enduring popularity stems from its highly adaptable verses, which, especially during the Mexican Revolution, took on significant political and social meanings. The 'cockroach' often became a symbol for specific political figures or general societal issues, moving far beyond its literal insect meaning.
What made 'La Cucaracha' so significant during the Mexican Revolution?
During the Mexican Revolution (1910-1920), 'La Cucaracha' became a powerful tool for political commentary and satire. Both rebel and government forces created new verses, using the song to mock opponents (like Victoriano Huerta), express grievances about the war's hardships, and rally support. Its simple, widely known melody made it easily adaptable and highly effective for spreading messages among the populace and soldiers.
Are there fixed lyrics for 'La Cucaracha'?
No, there are no single, fixed lyrics for 'La Cucaracha'. The song's strength lies in its improvisational nature. While the refrain remains relatively consistent, the verses are highly variable and have been continuously adapted over centuries to reflect contemporary political, social, or humorous situations. This oral tradition means hundreds of alternative stanzas exist, making it difficult, if not impossible, to catalogue them all.
Regarding Bicitaxis:
Are bike taxis common in Spain, as the name might suggest?
While the term "bike taxi" might be generic, the specific context and names provided (bicitaxis, ciclotaxis, golfitaxis, mototaxis, tricitaxis) and their detailed history exclusively refer to their operations in Mexico City, not Spain. They are a regulated and distinct part of Mexico City's urban transport landscape.
How are bicitaxis regulated in Mexico City?
Bicitaxis in Mexico City are regulated by the Secretariat of Mobility (SEMOVI), which is responsible for overseeing their operations. SEMOVI has historically attempted to formalise and control the sector, introducing pilot programmes, approving renovations, and addressing issues like unregulated units and the availability of spare parts for imported vehicles.
What different types of bicitaxis operate in Mexico City?
Mexico City's bicitaxis encompass several types, known as bicitaxis, ciclotaxis, golfitaxis, mototaxis, and tricitaxis. These can be categorised broadly into human-powered rickshaws, where the driver pedals, and engine-powered transports, which might include golf cart taxis or motorcycle taxis, offering varying levels of power and passenger capacity.
Conclusion
From the satirical verses of 'La Cucaracha' echoing through the tumultuous Mexican Revolution to the evolving presence of bicitaxis navigating the bustling streets of Mexico City, both elements underscore the dynamic interplay between culture, history, and daily life. These narratives, far from being mere anecdotes, are vital threads in the rich tapestry of Mexican identity, demonstrating how deeply ingrained cultural expressions and practical innovations can reflect and shape a nation's ongoing story.
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